Uprising against Mnangagwa’s third term bid could put SA under pressure

Uprising against Mnangagwa’s third term bid could put SA under pressure

By Lenin Ndebele I The Sowetan


Potential political instability posed by calls in Zimbabwe for President Emmerson Mnangagwa to step down from within his ruling party Zanu-PF could present challenges for SA, which has its pressing economic challenges.

Two major socio-economic problems in SA namely unemployment and poverty are relatively worse in Zimbabwe. As such, Zimbabweans who find the going tough back home see SA as a viable destination and land of opportunity.

Not even recent reports from the department of home affairs that deportations from SA have more than tripled since 2020/21 can deter suffering Zimbabweans.

“Why should I stay home when it’s clear 2025 and beyond will be a waste for me? I would rather go back to SA and take up menial jobs,” said Sothini Ncube, a vendor on the streets of Bulawayo, the second largest city.

Ncube holds an honours degree in psychology but job opportunities in Zimbabwe are hard to come by.

He’s also grown frustrated  that basic amenities are lacking and there’s no government effort towards poverty alleviation.

A newspaper vendor shows a standee in the capital Harare, Zimbabwe, April 1, 2025.
A newspaper vendor shows a standee in the capital Harare, Zimbabwe, April 1, 2025. Image: Philimon Bulawayo

“There are no pain killers in major hospitals in Zimbabwe. I would rather risk insults in SA but at least get some treatment when I fall sick.

“We are [stuck] between a rock and a hard place. SA should brace, as usual for our influx,” he added.

In February, SA announced a sweeping nationwide operation to clamp down on illegal immigrants.

But with uncertainty for many in Zimbabweans growing due to political bickering within the ruling party, many could be considering heading to SA.

Stevenson Dlamini, an economist from Zimbabwe said SA should be concerned about the political situation up north because it could lead to a strain on SA’s public services and infrastructure.

“SA has on numerous occasions struggled with unregulated Zimbabwean economic and political refugees. Not long ago (2023), an SA doctor (Phophi Ramathuba) despite diplomatic pressure later, in a raw manner spoke the language of ordinary South Africans. She was not politically correct but she exposed what a political failure in Zimbabwe reflected on SA,” he said.

SA is Zimbabwe’s biggest trade partner and while Zimbabwe is SA’s gateway into Africa. Therefore, a politically insecure Zimbabwe is bad for business, according to Dlamini.

Fissures inside Zanu PF developed at last year’s October conference in Bulawayo when a section aligned to Mnangagwa passed a motion to extend his term.

They proposed a two-way strategy; to extend his current term which ends in 2028 by two years or to change the constitution to allow him a third term that will see him stay on until 2034.

Mnangagwa insists he won’t stay beyond his constitutional term. But as the party’s most senior member, the First Secretary he has not stopped those calling for constitutional change.

That’s why Blessed Geza who at the time was a member of Zanu-PF’s central committee, decided to be the face of those resisting Mnangagwa’s extension.

Geza boldly mentioned people he called “the looting mafia and political criminals aiding Mnangagwa to butcher the constitution for their selfish ends”.

Geza was then fired from the party and placed on the police’s wanted list. He is in hiding but calling on Zimbabweans to mount resistance through protests.

A man sells mobile data on the morning of planned anti-government protests.
A man sells mobile data on the morning of planned anti-government protests. Image: Kb Mpofu

Geza wants Mnangagwa to be replaced by his deputy, Constantino Chiwenga.

Chiwenga, the protagonist of the November 2017 coup, has not uttered a word.

But party spokesperson Christopher Mutsvangwa ,in an interview with Dug Up, a Zimbabwean investigative outfit, accused Chiwenga of harbouring presidential ambitions.

He also referred to Chiwenga as uneducated and unelectable for the presidency.

Mnangagwa moved with speed to change top bosses in the country’s security sector ahead of the March demonstrations viewed as a failed coup attempt within the ruling party Zanu-PF.

Mutsvangwa confirmed there were “dramatic changes in the structure of our state apparatus” to avoid an unconstitutional change of government.

“They (security sector) proved that they are not a joystick for political day-dreamers.

“Ours is not akin to any post-colonial armies that can be commanded from London or from Paris to go to the state house and remove leaders. It does not work like that with our army,” he said.

In January, Mnangagwa retired Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) commissioner General Godwin Matanga, replacing him with Stephen Mutamba.

In the same month, he retired Director General Isaac Moyo from the spy agency, Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO), in came Fulton Mangwanya.

But the biggest change came a week before the March 31 planned protests to remove the president from power.

Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA) commander Lit-Gen Anselem Sanyatwe, 69, was retired from the army to become minister of sports arts and culture.

His replacement was Maj-Gen Emmanuel Matatu (72).

The new-look ZRP, ZNA, and CIO are near complete overhauls compared to when vice-president Chiwenga led the push that removed the late Robert Mugabe in November 2017, ushering in Mnangagwa’s regime.

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